Wednesday, November 28, 2007

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PARÁ LIVING IN VOLUNTARY ISOLATION

Many Amazonian groups face extinction as spaces disappear in which to live away from the modern world .

Some 64 indigenous peoples living in voluntary isolation, away from the eyes of the world in the Amazon are condemned to gradual extinction in Ecuador, Peru, Brazil and Bolivia - groups like the Tagaeri, Huaorani, Taromenane Coruba, Amamhuaca, Mascha, Kineri, Nanti, Nahua and Kugapakori, among others. These tribes remain a mystery, prefer to have remained isolated existence for centuries, and avoided all contact with strangers. What little is known about them has been known by other indigenous groups and casual meetings with developers and groups of human rights defenders. However, it is clear that their number decreases rapidly: the number of Coruba only 40 individuals is also estimated that the number of speakers Mascha is between 20 and 100. It is also estimated that only 720 people speak the language Amamhuaca, 500 in Peru and 220 in Brazil.

Trying to learn more about these groups can be fatal. The last known report on contact with the Tagaeri, the indigenous group with strict isolation was in 1987 when two missionaries whose aim was to try to persuade the tribe to allow extraction of oil into their territory, he concluded with the death of two missionaries. Then the Tagaeri abandoned their homes and disappeared into the depths of the dense Amazon jungle, showing their rejection of coexistence with the modern world.

indigenous groups see the oil and gas companies, loggers, miners and entrepreneurs as "ghosts of death" because of the toxic legacy that can leave behind to pollute rivers and forests as a source considered of life for these communities. Indigenous groups have developed their own systems over medical and food supplies, but they are fragile and easily threatened by damage to the ecosystems they inhabit. Often, contact with people outside their group results in the transmission of diseases resulting in epidemics, since the Indians have no immunity to diseases in other parts would be common and curable.

Governments around the world have increasingly recognized the rights of indigenous peoples. In part, this has been the result of an empowerment process followed by those groups who have submitted their demands to governments. In the case of groups living in isolation, and would prefer to avoid
contact with government and other communities, is much more difficult to respond to their needs. The Brazilian government has been one of the first to take steps to adopt a policy to create land reserves for people living in voluntary isolation, defining areas of exclusion for the extractive industries and migrants. Colombia, Ecuador and Peru are also looking for similar actions. The challenge faced by impoverished governments of the region is to achieve a balance between the exploitation of the riches of the Amazon belt for development and protection of these fragile indigenous groups and cultural heritage they represent.

Information Centre United Nations
Social Affairs, Secretariat of the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues.

Thursday, November 22, 2007

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ZAPAROANAS LANGUAGES (AN EXAMPLE OF THE DANGER OF LOSS OF IDENTITY IN LANGUAGE AMAZON)

In actu ality in the Amazon there are hundreds of languages \u200b\u200band dialects, each with a great historical value and pride to the identity of the ethnic groups who speak them, but long as a result of the social phenomenon of Westernization that for years past led the governments of the Amazon countries towards these people, hundreds of languages \u200b\u200band dialects are in danger of extinction or already disappeared completely. At present, raised education and conservation policies of the language and culture Amazonian peoples, thus encouraging conservation. Despite these efforts, the danger of extinction continues, for it would have to see and analyze the reality of language in its present number of speakers and their geographical coverage. In this case we analyze the example of one of the languages \u200b\u200bin the past was widely used by Amazon (Peruvian and Ecuadorian), is the Záparo language family.

Zaparoanas Languages \u200b\u200bare a set of nearly extinct American Indian languages \u200b\u200bspoken in the Amazonian regions of Peru and Ecuador. According to Swadesh (1959), the degree of internal differentiation involve at least 4,100 years of linguistic divergence. Currently consists of 5 languages, all endangered or already extinct. According to the evidence, two other languages \u200b\u200balready extinct, the Aushiri omurano and are part of the family.

In general, there is consensus among modern linguists on the classification of the family zaparona. However, some speculative opinions encompassing those languages \u200b\u200bin a course-Zaparo kacupana MACROFILE, and other in-Peba Zaparo MACROFILE, based on geographic proximity. Some
fits this family within the Andean family kacupana Zaparo and there are others that include the Zaparo-Peba, along with the yawan which has 6,000 years of linguistic diversity.

The territory of language speakers Zaparo lying between the northern Napo, Tigre and Amazonas south / southeast Marañón. The original nucleus of protozáparo seems to be located (Payne (1984)) around the present city of Iquitos, where the river Tigre would have amounted to its source, forming the core of the sub-Andoa Arabela.

The following chart can analyze the current situation Záparo family.

click to see:















Bibliography

  • Gordon, Raymond G., Jr. (ed.). Ethnologue: Languages \u200b\u200bof the World, Fifteenth edition . Dallas, Tex.: SIL International, 2005. Online version: http://www.ethnologue.com/ .
  • Payne, Doris. Evidence for a Yagua -Zaparo linguistic connection. SIL-UND-WP 28: 131-156, 1984.
  • Solís Fonseca, Gustavo. "Peru: multilingualism and language extinction." Native America 47 / 4. Mexico: 1987.
  • Swadesh, Morris. linguistic classification maps of Mexico and the Americas . Mexico: UNAM, Journal of the Institute of History, Anthropological Series 8, 1959.
  • Wise, Mary Ruth. "Small Families and isolated language in Peru." In: RMW Dixon & Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald (eds.), The Amazonian languages \u200b\u200b: 307-340 . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999.

Sunday, September 23, 2007

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Fever rubber (Ciclo da drunk in Portuguese) was an important part of economic and social history of Brazil and Peru, also for South American countries with Amazonian territories, including Colombia, Ecuador and Bolivia. This fever is related to the extraction and marketing of rubber, was centered in the Amazon region, firing their colonization process, attracting wealth and causing social and cultural changes, as well as giving great impetus to Amazonian cities like Iquitos in Peru, Belém do Para in Brazil and in particular the Brazilian city of Manaus, until now the principal Amazon city and capital of Amazonas state.

rubber fever had its peak between 1879 and 1912 after experiencing a resurrection between 1942 and 1945.

The discovery of vulcanization and the air chamber in the 1850 decade led to a rush of rubber extraction. "

Overview
rubber
rubber is called the juice or latex of a variety of plants. There are several varieties of rubber, including rubber, balata and gutta percha. Trees rubber or rubber tree (in Portuguese) providing this material are rubber trees, the guayule, the ficus elastic and castilloa ulei, among others.

The first manufacturer of rubber products (rubber bands and suspenders) emerged in the French capital, Paris in the year 1803. No clutch, rubber still had some disadvantages: with increasing temperature, the gum base became more soft and sticky, while the decrease of this, the rubber becomes hard and brittle. American Indians were the first to discover and exploit the unique properties of natural rubber. Meanwhile, was Amazon Jungle where mining activity was developed from rubber or rubber tree rubber tree (in Portuguese), a tree belonging to the family Euphorbiaceae, also known as tree of fortune. The stem of this tree is removed a white liquid called latex, comprising 35% of hydrocarbons, highlighting the 2-methyl-1 ,3-butadiene (C5H8), commercially known as isoprene rubber or monomer. Latex is a substance almost neutral, with a pH of 7.0 to 7.2. But when left exposed to air for a period of 12 to 24 hours, the pH drops to 5.0 and undergoes coagulation spontaneously forming a polymer is rubber, represented by Formula chemistry (C5H8) n, where n is the order of 10,000 and has an average molecular mass 600,000 to 950,000 g / mol. The rubber obtained in this way has a number of disadvantages: Exposure to air causes the extracted liquid is contaminated with other materials (detritus), making it a sticky substance perishable due to the action of temperature. Through an industrial process, rubber is treated and disposed of the impurities is then subjected to a process called vulcanization, resulting in the disappearance of the undesirable properties of rubber. This Thus, the rubber becomes imperishable, resistant to solvents and temperature variations, acquiring excellent mechanical properties and losing its stickiness.

Monday, September 3, 2007

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RUBBER MOUTH THE AMAZON SITE OF THE NEXT WORLD SOCIAL FORUM CAPTAIN FRANCISCO DE ORELLANA


A group of organizations and social movements in the Amazon region presented a proposal for the 2009 World Social Forum has its headquarters there. the city in the Amazon region is proposed to host Belém, capital of the Brazilian state Pará. Being chosen to host this Amazon city by the International Council Forum held in Berlin.

Belém's candidacy competing with other Brazilian cities such as Porto Alegre, Curitiba and Salvador and countries like South Korea and Indonesia.

The decision reveals the global social movement's intention to intervene more forcefully in the debate over global warming problem, since the conservation of the Amazon is one of the major issues in discussions on the matter. In addition to seeing the development of sustainable alternatives.

Choosing Amazon is especially important at this time, the Amazon region (with 9 countries) has developed a rich experience of conducting Pan Amazonian Forums (3 to date) and while the Forum venue is the Brazilian city of Belém, they would be "Amazon", involving all the countries of the basin. The importance of the Amazon region is crucial at the present time for such important dimensions as the environment and ecology, as well as the fight against transnational mining and oil companies that are causing tremendous human and ecological imbalances in the region.

is a land of many cultures and ethnic groups, with significant indigenous movements, including women. The dimensions of multiculturalism and gender issues have been identified as key dimensions to be incorporated. Perhaps one of the most interesting aspects is that it is a pioneering experience, being a trans-territorial FSM, significant dimension to think about other possible worlds.

This forum is a new challenge for all global movements, particularly for Latin American movements.

Sunday, September 2, 2007

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FIRST EUROPEAN navigator and explorer



Like so many others throughout history, the English explorer and conquistador was left enchanted by the charm of El Dorado, and in his search of the city ideal found another wonderful treasure and immeasurable: The Amazon. A hundred years of this wonderful journey of the king of rivers, it is worth remembering the first browser that was able to navigate in its entirety.

Born in Trujillo (quotations biographers have several dates of birth, from 1490 to 1511), Orellana was a close (possibly familiar, some historians speak of cousin) Pizarro family. He traveled to India was very young (1527), his early years in the New World Nicaraguan passed over land. In 1533, the army reinforced Pizarro in Peru , participated in the founding of Puerto Viejo and served in many campaigns, one of whom lost an eye.

During the civil war between the conquistadores in Peru, Loyal to his family, sided with Pizarro, supported the cause Pizarrist and starred with them during the siege of Cuzco between 1536-1537 and in the battle of Salinas against Diego de Almagro in 1538, was sent by Francisco Pizarro in command of a column from Lima aid of Hernando Pizarro. In 1538 he was appointed governor of the province of Cylinder Head, on the coast of Ecuador current , where should rebuild and repopulate the city of Santiago de Guayaquil, founded in 1534 by Sebastian de Belalcazar, which had been destroyed by the Indians.

In 1539 he joined the governor's office of captain general. A year later he joined the expedition that the new governor of the province of Quito, Gonzalo Pizarro, started eastward toward the land of Cinnamon and El Dorado. Orellana joined the expedition in the valley of Zumaca, near Quito. The first exploratory forays did not find the hoped-wealth, which led to Orellana was separated from Pizarro to find supplies. After building a brig, Orellana embarked with expeditionary group on December 26, 1541 following the course of the Coca and Napo rivers, while Pizarro and the rest of the troops followed the expedition by land. Explored the area, Orellana decided to return as agreed with Pizarro, but his men stopped him and threatened to revolt.

Following the great river

After choosing your head, and after building two new ships, the San Pedro and Victoria, Orellana set out to conquer new lands in the name of the king of Spain. Among the crew of the expedition traveled the Dominican friar Gaspar de Carvajal, whose relationship is chronicle of the trip.

In February of 1542 reached the rushing waters of the Maranon, also known by the names of the Amazon, Orellana and Bracamoros among others. In their progress up the river, came in May of that year Machifaro, the capital of the Omaguas, northern Peru, where he had to face attacks from the natives. Continued downstream and the May 23 triple discovered the mouth of the Purus, who called the Trinity River . The June 3, 1542 found the Black River, after leaving the mouth of the Madeira and Tapajós shortly after, came at the end of June to the legendary manor of the Amazons, who named the river course, the Rio Grande called the Amazon. The expedition continued the journey until it reaches the Atlantic in August of that year. From there Orellana and his men went to the Gulf of Paria, in Venezuelan territory, and after a brief stay in Cubagua and Santo Domingo, went to Spain to inform the Crown the discovery of these lands, which gave the name of Nueva Andalucía.

was on this trip in the Amazon got its name. Fray Gaspar de Carvajal, Orellana chronicler, wrote that the expedition was attacked by fierce warrior women, similar to the Amazons of mythology Greek, but is likely to just fight against Indian warriors who had long hair.

From Cubagua, Orellana sailed to Spain. However, after a difficult journey, first came to Portugal, where the king offered him hospitality and even received offers to return to the Amazon with a thoroughly equipped expedition under the Portuguese flag. The Treaty of Tordesillas had the entire length of the Amazon under English sovereignty, while the Portuguese considered the Brazilian coast and its wholly owned. However, Orellana continued Valladolid (May 1543) with the hope of encouraging claims Castilian the entire Amazon basin.

Once in court, and after nine months of negotiations, Charles I appointed him governor of the lands he had discovered, named Nueva Andalucía. The capitulations allowed him to explore and colonize Nueva Andalucía with no less than 200 infantrymen, 100 cavalry and material to build two riverboats. On arrival to the Amazon, was to build two cities, one right on the river's mouth. However, the preparations were stretched due to lack of funds. Finally, thanks to funding Cosmo Chavez, stepfather of Orellana, the issue may go, but not before marrying Ana Orellana Ayala, a poor young man, which aims to bring on your trip.

Cádiz Claw, but is stopped in Sanlúcar, because much of his expedition was composed of non-Castilian. Finally, hidden in one of his ships, sets sail from Sanlúcar surreptitiously with four ships. One is lost before reaching the Cape Verde islands, another in the course of the voyage, while another is left to reach the mouth of the Amazon. The landing came shortly before Christmas 1545 and Orellana is at some hundred miles in the Amazon delta after building a riverboat. Fifty-seven men die of hunger and the rest camp on an island in the delta between friendly Indians. Orellana part in a boat to find food and the main branch of the Amazon. Upon his return, found the camp deserted, because the men had built a second boat and left in search of Orellana. Finally gave up and left coast to the island of Margarita.

Orellana and his group kept trying to locate the main channel, but were attacked by Carib Indians. Seventeen died from the poisonous arrows and Orellana himself died in November 1546.

Some trip chronic



L a fundamental source of the first issue was written by Friar Gaspar de Carvajal, the chaplain who accompanied Orellana in his exploration of the Amazon. is "The Relationship the new discovery of the famous Rio Grande, which discovered a very large fortune Captain Francisco de Orellana." Relationship parts Carvajal appeared in "History and general natural de las Indias, Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo, written in 1542 but not published until 1855. An account of Oviedo is especially valuable because it combines parts of Relationship Carvajal Orellana and interviews with some of his men. Relationship not fully published until 1895 by the Chilean scholar José Toribio Medina, as part of his "Discovery of the Amazon River." Later in 1934, was widely reviewed by HC Heaton.

Relationship Fray Gaspar de Carvajal, the future archbishop of Lima (and brother of Francisco de Carvajal, a fellow Pizarro) is the most important source of the myth of El Dorado.
Here, a you excerpts from his story:
"Having spent 11 days in February, there were two rivers with the river of our navigation. And they were great, especially going into the right hand. .. The melted and ruled that all the other river and it seemed that consumed itself because it came ... furious and ... great avenue ...," was the Dominican friar Gaspar de Carvajal, chaplain and vicar of Quito, in "The Value the new discovery of the famous Rio Grande discovered a very large fortune Captain Francisco de Orellana".

When Francisco de Orellana discovered the Amazon on February 12, 1542, was 31 years old. He had lived 14 in India since fleeing his hometown of Trujillo in Extremadura, Spain. Before leaving from the river Guayas to the Country Cinnamon and El Dorado, wrote to the King. He told the services rendered to his Majesty. Asked to appoint him governor of the province of Guayaquil:
'Having become found in the conquest of Puerto Viejo and its terms and lost an eye in it. And also be obvious that I did service in the said town of Portmore in the repair (healing) of the English who came to my house. And I picked up 80 men at my expense and mission, paying the freight and other costs to be in the said town, and owing to a large amount and sum of weights of gold took them to the ground, so much fruit that day and did great service to Royal Crown. Poble and founded in Her Majesty's name a city, which I named the city of Santiago (Guayaquil), partly as fertile and abounds and be in that area she
proveimientos serve and lead the town of Quito and Pasto and Popayan. .. I'm the son gentleman gentleman and a person of honor. "

Francisco Gonzalo Pizarro had given his beloved brother, the Governor of Quito, gateway for the country Cinnamon and El Dorado. Gonzalo dreamed that territory where there was a serene lake surrounded by gold, minerals and precious stones. Gonzalo Orellana asked the help of his kinsman, and overtook him in late February and 1541 d English, 220, thousands of Indians from the Sierra , llamas, horses, pigs and dogs. Orellana Guayaquil achieved in 23 soldiers and some horses and was joined by March Sumaco Valley. Together they reached the Coca river where they ran out of food. They built a ship with two masts and a square sail. Orellana

sail downstream in the brig to find supplies. Gonzalo walk along the shore. But there came a time when Orellana had to separate and never returned.

came down from the Napo and Coca hit upon the great river. On 24 June, the day of the fires of San Juan. The expedition members were attacked by Indians led by Amazon, naked, muscular, white, higher than the Indians (in fact, long-haired Indians were ...). Fray Gaspar received an arrow in the side and hours later one of us s eyes. Continuing along the river since called the Amazon came to the Atlantic in August 1542 and returned to Spain.

Court for leave to Pizarro, Orellana convinced his judges that he could not return for the momentum of the current . Waited months, received the title of governor of Nueva Andalucia, as it was called on the banks of the Amazon, and his wife Anne returned to the fascinating river crossed hoping to return to Quito and Coca.

never could trace the river and was killed by an ambush of the Indians in November 1546. This discovery generous and peaceful, good, fair, dynamic and persistent, full of faith in his destiny joined his feat on Pacific co Guayaquil, navigable rivers, mountain ranges of the Andes, the mountain valleys, the eastern foothills, the jungle and the great river to the Atlantic.

Friday, July 13, 2007

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La Cultura Chachapoyas Amazonas (Amazonia Peruana)


Chachapoyas area of \u200b\u200binfluence of the famous men of culture Sachapuyas (sacha: mountain, and puya: fog), creators of the imposing citadel of Cuélap, Big Pajatén and other cities that make up a large confederation of small kingdoms before the Incas .

The Chachapoyas were composed of various ethnic kin, as well as by various forms of language, probably unrelated to each other but different from the Quechua. Some people like Bandelier (1907.1940) and Middenfordf (1893.95) highlight the presence of linguistic ingredients Colla or Aymara origin in the modalities of the language spoken in the region of Chachapoyas.

According Kauffman Doig, Chachapoyas culture had its beginnings in Stage 7, at about the eighth century AD, and mentioned that should reach its flowering year after the year 1000 AD and lasted until the English arrived to Peru.

Prior to Chachapoyas, at least for more than 7,000 years, their territory was already traveled by man as evidenced by the presence of witnesses rock (Good and Lozano 1982; Gamonal 1981 ; Miasta 1979), which according to Kauffman continue exercising artistic expression even in times of the Incas.

There is also evidence for preChachapoyas flowering times of the first stage of the ancient civilization of Peru, an example is given in Bagua pottery analyzed by Ruth Shady (1971), as well as through large monoliths reminiscent Chavin and another close to those of Kunturwasi (Gamon 1982, 1983, Kauffman and Gamonal 1989).

Chachapoyas area of \u200b\u200binfluence of the famous men of culture Sachapuyas (sacha: mountain, and puya: fog), creators of the imposing citadel of Kuelap, the great Pajatén and other cities that make up a large confederation small kingdoms before the Incas.

The Chachapoyas were composed of various ethnic kin, as well as by various forms of language, probably unrelated to each other but different from the Quechua. Some people like Bandelier (1907.1940) and Middenfordf (1893.95) highlight the presence of linguistic ingredients Colla or Aymara origin in the modalities of the language spoken in the region of Chachapoyas.

According to Kauffman Doig, Chachapoyas culture had its beginnings in Stage 7, at about the eighth century AD, and mentioned that should reach their flowering Apart from the year 1000 AD and lasted until the English arrived to Peru.

Archaeologists Henry and Paul Reichler (Reichle and Reichle 1950) proposed to be divided into three periods the archaeological process of Chachapoyas culture: Cuélap, Chipuric and Revash.

Prior to Chachapoyas, at least for more than 7,000 years, their territory was already traversed by the man as evidenced by the presence of witnesses rock (Good and Lozano 1982; Gamonal 1981 ; Miasta 1979), which according to this expression Kauffman Continuation of exercise in artistic Incan times.

There is also evidence for preChachapoyas flowering times of the first stage of the ancient civilization of Peru, an example is given in Bagua pottery analyzed by Ruth Said (1971), and also by large monoliths reminiscent Chavín and another close to those of Kunturwasi (Gamon 1982, 1983, Kauffman and Gamon 1989).

cultural Testimonials

are several researchers, who have studied architecture Chachapoyas. One of the great exponents are architectural ensembles Cuélap (Narváez 1996-97), Olan, Yálape, Purunllacta (renamed the Savoy as "Gran Vilaya"), Pajatén (Bonavia 1968, Kauffmann Doig 1980, 1984, 2000). Cuélap, extends for 600 meters on its longitudinal axis, consists of a platform built atop a high mountain. The walls that support, built with stones and careadas uniforms, rise up to 19 meters . Chachapoyas architecture is also characterized by displaying two forms of burial patterns: the mausoleum and sarcophagus one-man grave human (Langlois 1939, Kauffman 1996).

For ceramics, the Chachapoyas is rough both in terms of its bill as decoration. The decorative elements are practically limited to grounds laced or "hatched." Meter Lerma (1986) proposed that these are of Amazonian origin. In any case, this would be the only pattern from the Amazon since, according to the findings of Kauffman Doig (1996), the Chachapoyas were rooted in the Andean tradition. The researcher mentioned that in the Chachapoyas area appears a type of ceramic dispersed black, well smoothed and apparently affiliated Chimu pottery. And mentioned that if not, should be introduced on the north coast barter or through other means. Chachapoyas area come also ceramic vessels and even Cajamarca Chancay style. Arturo Ruiz Estrada (1972) developed a ceramic seriation Chachapoyas based on a sample that met in Cuélap.

Queros or ceremonial vessels wood, as quipus, are in turn samples the Inka presence in the territory of the Chachapoyas. This is also attested by the ruins of Inca bill discussed Cochabamba (Schjellerup 1984), and also by the testimonies of imperial Inca and Inca pottery as those in provincial and elsewhere Pajatén Chachapoyas Utcubamba Basin (Kauffman Doig 1996).

Studies and Research

The archaeologist s Henry and Paul Reichler (Reichle and Reichle 1950) proposed to be divided into three periods the archaeological process of culture Chachapoyas: Cuélap, Chipuric and Revash. Other studies have the Ruth Shady (1971), already mentioned above lines, which analyzed ceramics from Bagua, studies have also Ruíz Estrada (1972), who analyzed the pottery from Cuélap, which is what I will explain below

Ruiz Estrada, carried out excavations at the farm Cuélap, and the study of pottery found, enabled him to establish a relative timing sequence is that the earliest pottery would be Cancharín phase, which corresponds to the Early Intermediate Period; followed Pumahuanchina phase, which corresponds to the Horizon Middle phase continues Kuelap, located between the Middle Horizon Period Late Intermediate same finally set the stage in four Kuelap Inca l Cuelap manifestations occur associated with Inca pottery.

Cancharín In phase can be distinguished mainly by the presence of pottery types and Kuelap Kuelap Pulido Smooth Striated, which serve as diagnostic types. phase

differentiable Pumahuanchina mainly by the appearance of pottery painted Cuelap Pulido, associated with pottery Cajamarca III. Cuelap phase, is distinguished primarily by the presence of pottery types Culpa Painted Smooth A, B and C. In the last phase of secular gum, Kuelap Inca, continue Cuelap types, but appears as a new type Cuelap Painted pottery typically applied and Inca.

Ruíz, before his ecuencia s ruling, concluded, that before the call was built Kuelap Fortress had h uman groups established in the same place, and probably the building of the buildings that today are seen as phase Cuelap, given the association of the pottery types of this phase of the site buildings.

Him porte de Ruiz, is that was who first made an archaeological survey in Cuelap which gave its stylistic sequences based on ceramics.

types studied pottery with all its features and associations. And concludes that there is diffusion of ceramic items to Kuelap Cajamarca, ostensible influenced area in the development phase pottery from Pumahuanchina. According to Ruiz's another case, and what was the Huari pottery.

Other studies and research, we have Abel Ocampo (1982), conducted a study descriptive Chivane or monument located in Chachapoyas territory but raised prior to the culture of this name corresponds to the time of the early or formative expression of the civilization of Peru, according to Kauffman Doig.

Coc habamba other extreme forms: the important administrative center built during the Inca Empire was visited by Julio César Tello and has been described by Inge Schjellerup (1984). On the ruins of Pajatén is a descriptive study published by Duccio Bonavia (1968). For his part, Keith Mascutt (1 998) as well as Federico Kauffman Doig (1996), are the authors of studies l set on to Chachapoyas.

Cuélap: has received Louis Langlois studies do (in the thirties), Ruiz Estrada, as well as Federico Kauffman, among other lines mentioned above.

Cuélap, rose aa Utcubamba the left bank, and consists of a huge platform that crowns the crest of a limestone hill known as the Jimmy . Some of its buildings boast decoration on the walls as friezes that exposes symbolic motifs. Among the numerous enclosures included three structures: The Inkwell, The Watchtower and El Castillo. Cuélap has circular buildings built on landfill tiling, using stones quarried regular employment mural decoration.

so far not been possible to determine at what stage of their development up Cuélap Chachapoyas. But some researchers as Kauffman (1996), give the date of 1000 for e Christian ra.

Pajatén: Rec Bonavía IBIO important studies (1968), also G. Savoy in the late seventies.

Pajatén The ruins, offers two important aspects for consideration: one relates to its architectural peculiarities, the other the world of its iconography. Have circular buildings mod or "turrets" on different levels but within walking distance.

According Bonavia (1968), the 16 towers spread over an area slightly larger than one hectare, corresponding to the area deforested by Expedition 1966. Squares differs bagged two of them with a Huanta and stairs leading to a second floor. Bonavía m ention that have been conical roofs, but according to Kauffman (1996), there are qu and take into account the type of roof construction used in technically unrelated, Los Pinchudos, is almost flat, made in stone slabs that protrude into the interior and exterior, arched false.

For iconographic motifs, are high reliefs and drawings (figures), thus using the technique of expressing lines by stones protrude rig construction. There geo-metric designs, mainly fretwork. There are heads of human figures. We present ation decor on the floors of enclosures, in some cases.

According to Kauffman Doig, the iconography in Pajaten, is divided into three categories:

● Category One: Reasons biomorphs (anthropomorphic and zoomorphic). With sketchy lines and angular. The characters are seated in front, with legs bent and open. are beings on ATURAL of sex with female bulging belly.

second category are: geometric motifs. Protruding frets and stepped motifs and horizontal.

● Category Three: Reasons semi-abstract. Stellate figures, geometric and conventional present in buildings.

Other sites you archaeological Chachapoyas culture are: Olan, Condom, Yalape, Purun Llacta between otr you.

With reference to the burial patterns, Kauffman refers to two burial patterns for famous people: the mausoleum (pucullo or Chullpa), and the sarcophagus or purun-machu. Is Carajía, which houses the sarcophagus Chachapoyas more poise. These sarcophagi are Empla zados on top of a cliff which drops vertically.

The sar cófagos of Chachapoyas : According to Kauffman Doig, are made of a clay cap which houses a crouching mummy, wrapped in cloth and sitting on your ass. Various objects such as ceramic vessels and utensils used in textile art displayed around the dead, mummified. According to Kauffman capsules are rare in Chachapoyas burial offerings, as happens in the graves and coastal mountain range, which is in contradiction with n monumental character and sumptuous sarcophagus. The material used in the manufacture of the sarcophagus was mainly clay cream shade.

According to Kauffman Doig (1989), the diversity of forms that have the sarcophagi Chachapoyas, including its size, could be explained as arising in the intention to emphasize hierarchical ADOS gr. And mentioned that apart from the sarcophagi bear human traits, appears at the same time the outline of a phallus. And the condition ambivalent, showing conspicuous sarcophagi s, remember you can also be observed in the monoliths Recuay, Aija, of the Merced , as well as in the Chancay cuchimilcos of evoking a human figure at the same finds time to be a phallus exposed. It is for this reason that comes to the conclusion Kauffman Commission, that the sarcophagus Chachapoyas imitated conspicuous type, roughly , the aspect that corresponds to the Andean funeral bundle.

Besides Carajía stone sarcophagi, in which the Group 1 is the highest one is known, the integrated originally eight sarcophagi, in which all were painted with motifs based on lines drawn in two shades of red. The s arcófagos Crujía Group 1 finish in the top section and a tip No, this mask on his head. Other sarcophagi: the Solmal, Yambata , Chipuric, Liege, San Antonio , Tingorbamba, among others.

the mausoleums of the Chachapoyas: The mausoleums Chachapoyas, could have emerged as forms of pattern or pucullo chullpa . In this regard we have studies by Charles Wiener (1884), poster archaeologists iormente Henry and Paul Reichler (1950) analyzed the content of one of the mausoleums viewed by Wiener, and removed the debris from the roof of one of them had collapsed. Kauffman Doig (1989.1993), was able to identify and analyze various mausoleums: Tingomarca, Ochino, Peña de Tuenter, Guanglic, The Flask and centers beyond the basin Ut c ubamb to as Pumanche (Uchumarca), Los Pinchudos (Pajatén), and later, in 1997, the Group 1 of the Laguna of Mummies.

The mausoleums Chachapoyas consists of burial chambers built of stone. Its walls were plastered, and in some cases painted with magic-religious figures, and also decorated with magic-religious representations using part of it as building material s walls, setting off the surface of the wall stones to form figures.

One of the ma usoleos more representative of the Chachapoyas culture is Pinchudos o The Pucullos, which are located near the ruins of Pajaten. Five are the mausoleums that make up the group the group d and The Pinchudos, plus two that are presented in address west of that parcel. Are treated rectangular buildings as well as half-moon, built with stone walls, and reach up to more than 4m high and 2 to 3 m diameter . Other mausoleums, are: Revash, Ochino, Tingorbamba, Liege, Peña de Tuenter, Pumanche, etc.

Kauffman Doig ( 1996.1997) , mentions that the Chachapoyas were eminent weavers, and decorated with figures mates pyrography, carving wood and stone, leaving paint mural.

Friday, July 6, 2007

Futures Contracts Turbotax

ARCHAEOLOGY - AMAZONIA COLOMBIANA


The Colombian Amazon was inhabited by human populations for more than ten thousand years. Before the Iberian conquest in this region and numerous settlements had adapted to the environment and the ability to successfully manage production systems, reproduction of environments and ecosystems, social organization, complex structures of thought and knowledge, based on a philosophy respect for nature and human nature.

While it is currently impossible any archeology overall presentation of the Colombian Amazon by insufficient research in this field, we can construct a scenario of population systems in the region. Complementing the data from the archaeological investigations in the Amazon (Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela) with contemporary ethnographic inferences can be tentatively view the process of settlement and regional development in the Amazon territories of our country.

Since in Colombia displayed signs indicating the presence of hunters and gatherers in the Open (Cundinamarca) circa 10,450 A . C., presumably Amazon was also being populated by humans during the Paleoindian period. We accept the hypothesis that the initial peopling of the Americas did, some 40 millennia ago, Asian groups that came from Siberia. Few thousand years ago would have also produced a wave of people to South America, from Southeast Asia.

In the Amazon basin were developed for thousands of years, complex aboriginal cultures. The region was originally occupied by hunter-gatherers.

The Amazon provided a very important contingent domestic plant to mankind as the manioc and sweet, cocoa, coca, yopo, pineapple, annatto and peach.

Archaeologists have found numerous sites in the vicinity of the Amazon River that reveal the existence of large settlements. Archaeological materials from the town of La Pedrera have resemblance to pottery remains found in the lower Caquetá, which are included in the so-called Phase Yapura with mostly zoomorphic figures (ducks, bats, etc.)..

Araracuara The journey from La Pedrera and is dotted with stones where native recorded numerous figures. Among the outstanding rock art motifs that transform human faces its expression along the River. There are also numerous representations of animals and abstract symbols. Some of these reasons appear to relate to oral traditions of the Huitotos. According to the Indians Andoques, the petroglyphs were made by a generation of giants who preceded the present humanity, these amounted to penetrate Caquetá river also in some of its major tributaries.



The Colombian bank of the Amazon River, was inhabited in the fourteenth century by Omagua culture. Leticia was located near the province Aparia the Great, one of the most prominent of the region.

One of the most rich history in the town of Araracuara, seat of ancient cultures that left numerous testimonies of its activity. It is known that the area was occupied for 10,000 years, on the left bank from the store Santanilla floating to the bottom of the cave Guácharos Canyon and within the University of Pittsburgh.

This trip can be inventoried and photographed countless petroglyphs during the months of December to March. Upon entering the canyon, in Port Arthur are also beautiful prints. The observation is supplemented through examining the river and the Stone Andoques of famous in the region.

The most spectacular are found in the raudalera Guaimaraya to 80 Km. by river from Araracuara where some engraved with mystical traditions, especially those concerning the origin of mankind from Ancestral Snake.

Training stage:

Since the beginning of our era, the Amazon region was densely populated by large concentrations human. These people used seasonally various ecosystems while complementing the occasional hunting and gathering to agriculture products and fishery resources. One might suppose that they were abundant corn crops in some lands adjoining the rivers Caquetá and Putumayo and cassava was the basis of subsistence in the surrounding areas.

The Omagua, which occupied half the banks of the Amazon practiced horticulture and agriculture (corn) as well as fishing and waterfowl hunting on land that is flooded annually. Hunting was an activity not only for subsistence but a spiritual confrontation.

Society:

is possible that indigenous societies that lived along major navigable rivers have developed over centuries BC a type of organization or complex chiefdom maximum based on the mode of production maloquero. The organization of residential around a main longhouse, with administrative and ceremonial (ritual) has been a common feature of much of Amazonian societies.

housing styles, pottery, basketry, among others, also turned into signs that distinguish the lineages, clans, and ethnic maloqueras units.

painting, body adornment and clothing indicated the identity of ethnic groups.


Material Culture:


in the Amazon have later dates on ceramics business, almost two millennia after the dates for the earliest known American pottery. No data are yet available from archaeological excavations to investigate the Paleoindian Lithic stage and early ceramic phases. The results of the investigations so far relate pottery traditions from the first century BC for Araracuara area and from the sixth century AD to the area the Pedrera, both banks of the Caquetá - Yapura.

The metallurgy of gold and other precious metals had its development in the Amazon (Guainia and Vaupés) since pre-Columbian times.

posted by the website of the National Cultural Information System (SINIC) of the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Colombia. (Http://www.sinic.gov.co/SINIC/)

Wednesday, July 4, 2007

Hispanic Quote Inspiration

MOXOS PLAINS OF ITS MYSTERIES Deciphering (BOLIVIAN AMAZON)



Excavations in the mounds or 'hills' near the town of Casarabe, in Beni, give new 'lights' on the culture that lived there. Recovered more than 50,000 ceramic fragments were found graves. The shaman is a possible the most striking. The findings reframe many hypotheses. The research in the region entered a new phase from the findings.

For many years, archaeological investigations of the Andean cultures were like a huge mountain that overshadowed the work carried out in the Bolivian Amazon and in particular the extensive plains of Beni Moxos. This great mountain, often high on the basis of prejudice and lack of information, was countered by researchers throughout the twentieth century tried to show that this region, especially the mounds or hills preserved a rich cultural heritage, no less important than other parts of the country. However, even today there are very few scientific analysis have clarified the role that these artificial structures have for the society or societies that have lived and continued to generate endless speculation. Much of those hills suffered erosion, were used for agriculture and have been victims of illegal plunder.

One of the attempts to remove the mystery of the shadows that hide the Plains is the project Moxos Casarabe Lomas, who earlier excavations concluded this month in one of the mounds near the village of the same name, which, among other things, has revealed that there was human presence in a period of 1,000 years, rescued valuable fragments of pottery and conducted the first scientific excavations of burials human.

Casarabe's population is located 50 miles east of the city of Trinidad. Rise in the surrounding territories prehispanic mounds which can reach over 20 meters high. In two cases, Loma and Loma Salvatierra Mendoza has worked on integrated project by researchers from the German Archaeological Institute and the National Unity of Archaeology of Bolivia.

In 1999 started the picking up of materials in the Loma Mendoza (5 meters high) and cut as is also known, as it was partly destroyed in the construction of the road between Santa Cruz and Trinidad. The data search was conducted for four years until they decided to begin excavations at Loma Salvatierra (8 meters high), where they worked for another three.

The first step was to show that the mounds studied were not formed by natural processes, such as the hypothesis of archaeologists Bernard Dougherty and Horacio Calandra who questioned the artificiality of the hills of Beni after their research in the 80's. "We found that the ceramics, bones humans, animals and the same rubbish were the product of human settlements from 400 to 1,400 AD and superimposed platforms were built over time. In the case of the Loma Salvatierra, for example, the housing sector is on a terrace in the center of the site and no other party has served almost exclusively as a cemetery, "says Heiko Prümers German archaeologist, project director.

A new feature of these excavations was to find ceramic very different from those found in regions such as Bella Vista and San Ignacio, which experts project to encourage them to support the idea that the region had a cultural unity and more cohabit rather than several in the region and at the same time. "The cultural diversity seems to be one of the characteristics of what we now call Moxos, because there are marked differences not only reflected in the variety of ceramics, but also the existence of Lomas large an area, while another prevalent bunds or embankments. Perhaps many have believed that being a large plateau and having a river like the Mamore that crosses through the middle, were a single culture, "says Prümers.

Moxos The plains are characterized by grassland and savannah woodland, which cover much of its territory and menor cantidad tiene montes, lagunas y ríos. Las lomas artificiales son parte inseparable de su paisaje. El primero en investigarlas científicamente fue el noruego Erland Nordenskiöld que a principios del siglo XX realizó excavaciones en las lomas Hernmarck, Velarde y Masicito. En ellas encontró cerámicas que tenían vinculaciones estilísticas con otras culturas amazónicas. Otro gran difusor de la riqueza cultural de la zona fue el ingeniero estadounidense Keenneth Lee, que vivió en Beni hasta fines de los 90 y que creía que los antiguos mojeños eran pueblos que habían sabido controlar las épocas de sequía y de inundaciones gracias a sistemas hidráulicos en los que estaban involucrados las lomas, terraplenes and ridges. Lee also felt that in Beni territory were 20 000 mounds of various sizes. A figure that has not been confirmed, and some scientists seem exaggerated.

Another research contributions in the Loma Salvatierra is that there is an embankment around the site polygon enclosing an area of \u200b\u200b20 hectares that were discovered through satellite images and field work was done by Umberto Lombardo. "From what we've seen the hill is not only the mound, but a structural complex that includes creeks, canal systems and polygon fill. In addition to a clear contact and communication between the hills of the area, "explains the researcher. The project is co-director of the Bolivian Carla Jaimes, who was responsible for analyzing ceramic artifacts were recovered. Until the end of the excavation were more than 50 000 pieces of parts, the archaeologist with a group of seven assistants was in charge of sorting. Jaimes said they could find six chronological phases of ceramics. This means that the 1,000 years of occupation can be seen how they have changed shape and features in the various occupations that took the mound. But, according to the researcher, pottery was not the most important material, "certainly had beautiful objects made of wood, fruits and other organic elements. Being in the tropics is logical that they have worked with wood bibosi, mara, chonta and baskets have been woven together, because we have found pottery spinning wheels, which is proof that spun. That is perhaps used for storage or cooking liquid, "Jaimes said, adding that figurines were also found dolls or figurines, which from the context where they are found they had a domestic function and not of divinity as was initially believed.

Jaimes

indicates that pottery in the Amazon has the characteristics of subsection dots. is, they are techniques in which when the ceramic is dry it makes your incisions with a sharp object and you draw triangles, lines and other figures. Point is when we used the fingers or other material to points around the vessel. Preconceptions have gotten into the same bag to ceramics dotted subsection of the Amazon, yet within this technique has shown a lot of variants and Moxos are no exception. Those found in Loma Salvatierra Mendoza and are similar but are very different from those who have recovered in other areas, so that the archaeologist can not speak of a single culture in the region but of many.

The project Lomas de Casarabe unearthed about 80 human skeletons. The funny thing is that the bodies were buried in different positions and the only common pattern found was the guidance given to the graves that were in north-south direction. Most striking was the discovery of a skeleton that apparently belonged to an important figure in the society in which he lived. This has been acknowledged by the decorations he wore when he was buried. The skeleton was taken to Germany for study and has been found that were between 35 to 40 years. Beads carrying tusks of tiger and other items found Prümers very similar to a photo of 30's of a shaman in Ecuador. The truth is the body is still under study and expect to provide new data.

German archaeologist says he will return next year to make a final analysis and then prepare the publication of its results. He also clarified that this is just one of the first steps to learn about the cultures that settled Moxos and there are still many hills to study. Other groups of archaeologists will have the task of following the path initiated by the Lomas de Casarabe project.

fieldwork and other data

The project worked in recent years in the Loma Salvatierra in dry season. There were three straight months of excavations. The pieces found were then washed with water and brushes. The pottery shards were falling, drawings, photographs and if all parties were restored.

- The pottery recovered is given to the Museum Beni ethnoarchaeological Kenneth Lee.

- There were three five-hole flute made from animal bones. Two were at a funeral and the other in another context.

- The remains of animals and some of the garbage is also analyzed, because they weather patterns and characteristics of each period.

- In the body of possible 'Shaman' is found small pieces of copper. A material not found in the region. These materials are still being analyzed.

- The historic distribution of speakers of Arawak has many similarities with the cultures of archaeological mounds. More recent studies show that the distribution of pre-Hispanic hills and ridges also has elements in common with non-Arawak groups such as Pano, Tupi-Guarani and unclassified groups, the researchers said Clark Erickson.

Article by Ricardo Herrera F. / Of Duty The Extra magazine OH!, On Sunday, October 29, 2006. / Photo German Archaeological Institute.

Tuesday, July 3, 2007

Toothpick Tower Triangle

NOTES ON THE LAST PRE-COLUMBIAN Of the Ecuadorian Amazon

historical and archaeological analysis of the data currently available on the Ecuadorian and Peruvian Amazon relativized from the beginning the classification of these regions makes the quintessential example of "simple tropical cultures" (Steward, 1948) and classifications on the basis of ecological adaptation of the companies alleged inter river (such as those of Meggers, 1971, taken up by Roosevelt, 1980), understanding these regions as areas not suited to complex social developments. This double reading of the past leads to a large number of investigators to question to the model of agriculture traveling on slash and burn "(often cited as the typical lifestyle of high - Amazon) that would largely be the combined effect of a strategy for survival of indigenous societies against the persecutions of the Western world and the introduction of steel tools to facilitate large-scale deforestation. The review of current data also shows that the study area is confined in a broad regional area, where you should stress not only contacts with the Andean area in the broad sense of the word, but also the middle and lower Amazon.
Archaeological data currently available in the Upper Amazon to the north of the Maranon possible to reconstruct a scenario of two major pre-Columbian times. The first period from the fourth millennium BC to the eighth century AD has a close cultural and commercial links between the Andean region, the Pacific Coast and the Upper Amazon. The second period from the eighth century AD to the English period is characterized by the disappearance of the previous system and a cultural break between the Andes and the Upper Amazon, and across the Amazon river and river inter. Cultural and social characteristics and reasons for discrepancy between the two periods are not known why this should be the current priority.
Critics and Proposal:
The prehistory of the Upper Amazon is still poorly understood and subject of much speculation. They face two main positions, the first position holds that the origin of certain cultural phenomena, the Andes, ancestral, such as the birth of agriculture or the appearance of the Chavin horizon in Peru should be investigated in the rainforest (eg Lathrap 1970) The other position says prominence is of the of the Andes or the Pacific Coast in prehistoric social processes (eg Burger 1995). The purpose of these two currents can be issued three reserves:
1. archaeological and paleoenvironmental data are insufficient.
2. Most researchers use consciously or unconsciously, but always strictly social or ecological models borrowed from other periods and other regions.
3. researchers Nor does it consider the most recent or the weight of the differential conservancies, probably giving an incomplete picture of the past Amazon and its diversity.
usually divides the history of pre-Columbian Ecuador into three periods: the Formative period (4500 BC - 300 BC) is marked by the first agro-pottery companies, Regional Development (300 a. C. - 500 AD), characterized by the diversification of cultures, and the period of integration (500d.C.-1532 AD) which is a trend towards cultural homogenization that culminated with the Inca conquest.
For some researchers, especially J. Guffroy who worked for a long time in southern Ecuador and northern Peru (Guffroy, 1995, 2004) - is worth insisting on the continuity between the Formative and Regional Development and the break that occurs at the beginning of the period of integration. In this sense, the prehistory of southern Ecuador have met two great socio-cultural development, the first with the Formative and Regional Development, and the second integration period.
At first, there is a strong integration between the Pacific coast el altiplano andino y las vertientes orientales de los Andes, lo que habría dado origen a un desarrollo relevante y precoz del Ecuador, aunque fuertemente desigual. Jean Guffroy llega a plantear la hipótesis según la cual el origen de la cultura Catamayo A (primera cultura formativa del extremo sur de los Andes ecuatorianos) proviene de la Amazonía (Guffroy et al., 1987:236). Esta hipótesis puede comprobarse con el descubrimiento hecho en 2002 de una nueva cultura agroalfarera en la ceja de montaña oriental del sur del Ecuador. Las fechas C14 asociadas a este material la sitúan como una de las manifestaciones culturales más antiguas de toda la región, por lo que pudiera ser precursora en muchos aspectos del Horizonte peruano de Chavin (Valdez et al., 2005). If this is the case, it presents the possibility that the Upper Amazon to the north of the Maranon has played a role in the foreground.
The second stage is characterized by a rupture and cultural restructuring. It seems that the origin of several current Amerindian populations in this period. In Loja, in the southern Ecuadorian Andes, this period would be marked by the arrival of groups belonging to the set-Candoa Jibaro language from the Amazon (Guffroy et al., 1987; Guffroy, 2004).
This scenario highlights the relationships the Upper Amazon. I think that this hypothesis can be applied to the Ecuadorian Amazon. Undoubtedly this is an imperfect and hypothetical scenario. Enunciate the archaeological data:
First Period:
During the first period, from the Formative through the Regional Development (3500-300 BC), the cultures of the Upper Amazon would be part of an integrated system that clearly to the Northern and Central Andes (Lathrop, 1970, Myers, Dean, 1999; DeBoer, 2003). Relatively early origin and role are still poorly understood and are the subject of much speculation.
Thus, the early presence of maize (from 4000 BC to 2700 BC, depending on the region) has been supported by several researchers (Bush et al., 1989, Mora et al., 1991), but still hypothetical even more considering the size and number of grains of this ancient corn, known only by some Pollens and phytoliths, have not yet been defined.
What little is known of the iconography is characterized by the presence of dualism and in one case by the association cat / snake / bird of prey, an association will be found along the Andean developments, but disappear eastern lands in the following period. Formative poorly known, it nevertheless seems relatively old in certain areas (Valdez et al., 2005), suggesting the existence of a socio-cultural development at least as early as in the Andes and the Pacific coast. The lack of field research can not give an accurate picture of social developments. However, the Formative ceramic assemblages and Regional Development, although very different, know typical shapes such as bottles with stirrup (Guffroy, et al 2003, Valdez et al., 2005; Porras, 1978; Shady Solis, 1987), bottle-neck and handle asymmetric bridge (Fung, 1981, Myers et al., 1999; Morales Chocano, 1998; Porras, 1987; Ravines, 1981), bowls, sometimes decorated with great care (slip, fine incisions, excisions, Saulieu, 2006) and pots (Porras, 1979; DeBoer et al., 1977). If there are indeed cultural renewal and uneven development, ceramic assemblages remain largely in the logic started in the Formative, since they are evidence of interactions or exchanges with the Andes and the Pacific. In the second part of this first period, the company Ecuadorian Amazon foothills of the monumental architecture produced (in Zamora, Upano, Puyo) comparable to that of other Andean regions. In the Amazon, settlement patterns are still very poorly understood : One of the only places domestic apparently shows a stratigraphy of 90 cm (Athens, 1986), suggesting that these populations were not necessarily made up of growers and indigenous people traveling today (Petersen et al., 2001).
Second Period:
The second stage is the collapse of the previous system and an accentuation of cultural differences in the Andes. This stress was caused by a part in human and other adaptations in the cultural composition of the Upper Amazon is known in modern times through sources ethnohistoric and ethnographic. It is in this period that the Upper Amazon is Amazonis, to put it in some way to make a typical so marked by the preeminence of cultural forms mood (as described Descola, 2005) and socially headless. These lead to two scenarios.
The first observation, the rapid expansion of a ceramic horizon, called Rebar, in areas not directly in contact with the major axis formed by the Napo river, the Maranon, Ucayali and Huallaga. This horizon is characterized by a relatively coarse paste pottery decoration which consists of the basic use of superimposed clay bands in the neck and shoulder of the vessels. From a material standpoint, our hypothesis rests on the fact that from the seventh and eighth centuries is found in many regions (eg in the Upano, cf. Rostain 1999-ay 1999-b, Loja, cf. Guffroy 2004):
- The disappearance of the most typical (especially the bottles with or without handle, with one or more necks) and ceramic traditions of the previous period.
- A superficial homogenization decorative modes corrugated favor decorations, while the local particularities seem important.
- The disappearance of monumental architecture.
- a sharp decline in long-range interactions, both in terms of exotic materials (Spondylus, turquoise) as a stylistic and ideological traits. (Rostain, 1999-a; Guffroy, 1995, 2004, Guillaume, Guffroy, Valdez, Saulieu, 2003).
settlement patterns, suggest that social structures seem more parcels and temporary during earlier phases, which corresponds fairly well to what is known of the practices of indigenous people belonging to linguistic group current jíbaro (slash and burn horticulturalists, Acephalous societies).
The other scenario is given, displays along navigable rivers and in certain segments of the Andean slopes (valley of the cheek), the provision of complex social systems founded on trade. Polychrome Horizon from floodplains colonizes the Lower Amazon, to the tenth and eleventh centuries, the Napo (Evans and Meggers, 1968) and a part of the Maranon to the Putumayo, and articulates with the Panzaleo-Cosanga-Píllaro on the Andean Ridge.
ethnohistoric data allow us to recognize the various ethnic groups and often distant origin, which are complex and hierarchical social performances, specialized production systems (particularly gold, ceramics and cotton fabrics) . The exchanges over long distances are concentrated in some major axes formed by the Napo, Maranon, Ucayali and Huallaga (salt, curare, gold, cottonseed oil, turtle, etc..) and controlled by these populations seem to have a strong inclination for navigation and river habitat.
Conclusion:
If understanding of the two periods has yet to be refined, as proposed from serious questions about reasons for the change. Clearly this is not an ecological determinism, since in the Formative and Regional Development, the upper Amazon would have developed in symbiosis with the Andes and the coast Pacific. In our case, we would be tempted by the hypothesis that this would have corresponded to a major reorientation in the types of social developments in this humid tropical region, for reasons still mysterious, but perhaps in part linked to large movements pobacionales. Philippe Descola (2005) shows that the perception of the environment that current populations are high due to schemes Amazon animists. This feature differentiates very clearly the areas of the greatest civilizations known historically, especially in the Andes. Therefore we support the thinking that has not always been so, and that before the big departure from the principle Integration of the period, the societies of the Upper Amazon in large part functioned differently, in a way that allowed them just to fit in perfectly with the Andean and coastal societies. From there to think that they were societies that worked mainly with analog schemes, there is only one step.
Article by French archaeologist Geoffroy de Saulieu
Friday, February 16, 2007